Tuesday, April 5, 2022

Increasing polarization between so-called red states and blue states

Shawn Hubler and.Jill Cowan reported yesterday for the New York Times under the headline, "Flurry of New Laws Move Blue and Red States Further Apart."  While I often remind folks that "red" is not synonymous with "rural state" and "blue" is not necessarily synonymous with "urban state," I'm doing to indulge the shorthand here, making it my justification for blogging about the story here on Legal Ruralism.  A brief excerpt from the Hubler-Cowan story follows:   
After the governor of Texas ordered state agencies to investigate parents for child abuse if they provide certain medical treatments to their transgender children, California lawmakers proposed a law making the state a refuge for transgender youths and their families.

When Idaho proposed a ban on abortions that empowers relatives to sue anyone who helps terminate a pregnancy after six weeks, nearby Oregon approved $15 million to help cover the abortion expenses of patients from out-of-state.

As Republican activists aggressively pursue conservative social policies in state legislatures across the country, liberal states are taking defensive actions. Spurred by a U.S. Supreme Court that is expected to soon upend an array of longstanding rights, including the constitutional right to abortion, left-leaning lawmakers from Washington to Vermont have begun to expand access to abortion, bolster voting rights and denounce laws in conservative states targeting L.G.B.T.Q. minors.

Other culture wars issues playing out in state legislatures:  abortion and voting rights.  The NYT piece continues:

Some legal analysts also say the anticipated rollback of abortion rights could throw a host of other privacy rights into state-level turmoil, from contraception to health care. Meanwhile, entrenched partisanship, which has already hobbled federal decision making, could block attempts to impose strong national standards in Congress.

“We’re potentially entering a new era of state-centered policymaking,” said Karthick Ramakrishnan, a professor of public policy and political science at the University of California, Riverside. “We may be heading into a future where you could have conservative states and progressive states deciding they are better off pushing their own visions of what government should be.”

The story notes that control of the state legislature is split between parties in only two states:  Minnesota and Virginia.  Contrast that with 15 states with divided legislatures just three decades ago.  Hubler and Cowan note a lot of legislative activity in the American West, in particular.  

As a related matter, my colleague recently noted on Twitter that California is now banning business travel to 20 states based on their regressive laws on LGBTQ issues.   

And that reminds me of this January 2017 column, by Roger Cohen for the New York Times, published soon after Trump's election:   

Getting America out of its mess begins with the acknowledgment that New York and California do not have a stranglehold on truth, any more than Kansas and Missouri do. Out there in God-fearing gun country there are plenty of smart, upstanding Americans who, as Mark Lilla of Columbia University put it, paraphrasing Bernie Sanders, are “sick and tired of hearing about liberals’ damn bathrooms.”
Oh, and after this Hubler-Cowan New York Times story on red-blue divide was published, Oklahoma passed a draconian abortion law, providing yet another piece of evidence of this red-blue divergence.  

Sunday, April 3, 2022

Pitting rural against urban in transportation policy and politics

A few days ago, Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas pulled a Donald Trump when he vilified downtown/urban living (remember Trump's urban "American carnage" from his inauguration speech--that is, one of the things Trump said he'd end).   Cotton made these comments on Fox News, and they went viral on social media.  Here's the full quote:  

[Democrats] want to make us all poor.  They want to make you live in downtown areas, and high-rise buildings, and walk to work, or take the subway, or ride an electric scooter, or whatever it is that Pete Buttigieg takes to work.

And here's a screenshot: 

You can see the Fox News chyron is "Dems Push Green Deal amid Skyrocketing Gas Prices." 

In response to Cotton's urban-bashing, Huffpost published a piece headlined, "Twitter Users Think Sen. Tom Cotton's Vision Of A Dystopian America Sounds Wonderful."   Here's one of the responses highlighted there, from Keith Olberman, a reminder of the conflation of urban with elites.

And here's one, retweeted by the Arkansas Times, that highlights the irony of (1) Arkansas's rural poverty and (2) that Cotton has abandoned his hometown, quasi-rural Dardanelle, Arkansas, population 5,000, for a condo in Little Rock (to maintain some residency) and the home where he lives the vast majority of the time, in suburban Virginia. 


And here's one from John Brummett, a columnist for the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, with some similar sentiment grounded in a dig about the problem of rural poverty in Arkansas.   
In short, Cotton looks disingenuous in his disdain for urban and purported support for rural. 

Saturday, April 2, 2022

Carbon pipelines v farmers on climate change strategies

Clay Masters reports out of Iowa for NPR on the role of carbon pipelines in combatting climate change.  Here's an excerpt: 

Iowa is the country's top corn producer and almost 60% of that grain goes to produce ethanol, according to the Iowa Corn Growers Association. Archer-Daniel-Midlands (ADM), Summit Carbon Solutions and Navigator CO2 Ventures want to capture the carbon these plants emit into the air while making that fuel and then pipe it to be stored deep underground.

Chad Hart is an agricultural economist at Iowa State University and says the carbon would go deep underground in North Dakota or southern Illinois.
"Where there are deep mines that have open voids that can be filled with carbon dioxide as a way to reduce the amount of carbon being released into the atmosphere and sequester more of it underground," Hart says.
Hart says as American ethanol consumption levels off the industry wants to develop a carbon market especially with federal incentives to cut greenhouse gas emissions.

"COVID was a big shock to the system, not only for the ethanol industry, but the liquid fuel markets as a whole," Hart says, so the ethanol industry is "looking for what are these co-product opportunities that possibly create more stability in the financial return to an ethanol plant."

Emma Schmit chairs the local Democratic Party in Calhoun County and she's working to drum up opposition to the pipelines in her reliably Republican rural part of northwest Iowa. She's an organizer with the environmental advocacy organization Food and Water Watch and says landowners rights are what's uniting rural residents.

"Everybody across the political spectrum believes in the fact that a private corporation shouldn't be able to take your property for their own benefit without giving anything back," Schmit says.

Friday, April 1, 2022

Ag crime on two continents--and an interesting rural crime reporting network in the UK

First out of New Zealand, a story about systematic slashing of plastic coverings on large hay bales in the Otago region of the South Island, specifically the community of Owaka.  The headline there is "Feed bales slashed in overnight attack, " and the story appeared on the website, Rural Life.  Of particular interest here is the apparent motivation for the attack:  the farmers whose hay was damaged are vocal anti-vaxxers and have opposed the government's COVID restrictions.  

Second, out of the north of England, the headline on Farmer Watch UK is "Rural communities In County Durham urged to be extra vigilant following fuel thefts."  An excerpt follows:  
Farmers and residents of rural areas are being urged to be extra vigilant following a national rise in fuel thefts.

Officers are advising people to keep their tanks out of sight and install security measures such as CCTV, padlocks and lighting to deter opportunistic thieves who have been targeting stores of heating oil.

Thieves traditionally target farms during the night which gives them more opportunities to get away unnoticed.

Farmer Watch UK, which I just discovered when this story came across my Twitter feed, describes itself as the UK's Number One Rural Crime Alert Network.   As one can see from just its home page, it is chock full of rural and farm crime, everything from the suspicious death of a Goshawk (protected species) in Wales to a Kent Farmer being sentenced after his worker became entangled in a potato harvester.  From Warwickshire come the report of a"Novice metal detectorist stopped by police for Roman treasure hunt at protected site," and from Stoke-on-Trent,  Staffordshire "Woman and dog mauled by 'Staffy' at popular beauty spot."  As I reference this site on April 1, there are seven reports from today alone.  One of them is this report of more proactive law enforcement out of Northumbria, "Almost 70 vehicles stopped, drugs seized and suspects arrested in fight to tackle rural crime."

Almost 70 vehicles were stopped, drugs seized and suspects arrested during a police operation to tackle rural crime. Officers across the region have partnered up to take further action against criminal activity in one of their biggest rural crime operations yet.

Operation Checkpoint, which is the biggest rural policing operation of its kind in the country, ran overnight on Wednesday, March 30, into the early hours of yesterday morning, and saw almost 70 vehicles stopped, drugs seized, suspects arrested and targeted initiatives carried out. Operation Checkpoint is an ongoing proactive initiative that targets suspected criminal activity in order to disrupt the organised network and protect communities by acting on local intelligence and emerging crime trends.

An interesting service for rural folks in the United Kingdom.  I see Farmer Watch UK is a registered company in England and Wales and based in County Durham., but I can't see any other information that reveals how runs it or how it is funded.  

Wednesday, March 30, 2022

On the rural vote in battleground U.S. Congress districts

Josh Kraushaar writes in The Nation under the headline, "Rural voters playing outsized role in battleground House races."  An excerpt follows, suggesting that rural voters matter more than usual in the mid-terms: 

In this year’s House races, a disproportionate number of battleground races are taking place in either rural districts or districts with a significant rural segment. Of the 20 races that are ranked as toss-ups by The Cook Political Report, over half have a sizable rural constituency. It’s a reminder that Democrats can’t take rural America for granted, at least if they hope to hold a House majority for the long term.

Several of the rural House battlegrounds are newly drawn districts, like North Carolina’s 13th, which combines the burgeoning, Democratic-trending Research Triangle exurbs with the deep-red rural outposts of Harnett and Johnston counties. One is a brand new seat, Colorado’s 8th District, which includes parts of Weld County where “cattle sun themselves on grazing land and feedlots,” as The Denver Post put it. Others have always been competitive, like Maine’s expansive 2nd District, home to one of the most independent-minded Democrats in the House.

* * *  

As national Democrats cater to urban, progressive interests, they’ve all but abandoned the rural constituencies that once made up a major part of their coalition.

On the ways in which rural voters have become the margin of difference in recent elections, don't miss this piece on the Virginia gubernatorial race of 2021.   This coverage of Missouri's 2020 vote to expand Medicaid also discusses the role of the rural vote, which generally opposed the expansion but wasn't strong enough to undermine the urban vote in favor of expansion.  

Tuesday, March 29, 2022

New strategies for closing the rural-urban justice gap: Maine grabs national headlines with plans for law students to serve in rural north

Last week, a bill introduced to the Maine legislature would send Maine Law students to Fort Kent, the farthest north place in the state, to provide legal services under the auspices of the law school's clinic.  The Associated Press initially covered the matter last week in a very short story that left me wondering what was going on.  Then, yesterday, Marketplace (American Public Media) offered this much more detailed report.  An excerpt from Robbie Feinberg's story, "In Maine, hopes turn to law students amid dearth of rural attorneys,"  follows:
The shortage of lawyers is especially difficult in rural Maine as many attorneys in the state approach retirement.

In Aroostook County, where Fort Kent is located, it can take two hours or more to travel from one courthouse to the next. Yet local court clerks say only about 20 attorneys are available to take indigent legal defense cases, and many aren’t from the area.

That means lawyers from other regions are routinely brought in. They either drive hours to the courthouse or communicate through phone or Zoom.

“A lot of us are just getting burnt out,” Jandreau [an Aroostook County attorney] said. “I mean, I stopped taking court appointments because it just became unmanageable.”

Now, the Maine Legislature is looking to step in. Maine Senate President Troy Jackson, who lives in nearby Allagash, said he’s heard about the legal challenges from his own constituents.

“We all understand that you have the right to legal counsel, but what good is it if you don’t have the ability to get that legal counsel?” Jackson said.
That’s what prompted him to introduce a bill that would bring practicing law students into the county to help fill that gap.

“Too many people leave our area to practice or try and get, to become a practicing attorney,” Jackson said. “And oftentimes, they don’t come back. And I just thought that there’s a way to actually do some of the training in Aroostook County. We might be able to actually draw some people.”

Under the three-year pilot program, students at the University of Maine School of Law would still spend the first half of their education on the school’s campus in Portland. But after their first few semesters, two or three students at a time would head to Fort Kent, where they would work under the supervision of a professor in a satellite office of the college’s student legal aid clinic.

They would receive academic credit for the work and stay at the dorms of another state college campus in town. Their clients would primarily be people with low incomes who can’t afford to hire an attorney of their own. The program would cost about $340,000 a year.

Other legislative efforts to support rural lawyers in Maine have not been passed into law, as documented here and here.  Still, I'm hopeful about this new proposal because it is a bridge between critical stakeholders--legal education on the one hand, and rural places on the other.  In short, it could meet legal needs in the short term while also creating a pipeline to rural practice over the longer term simply because it will systematically and institutionally expose more students to that sort of practice.

(A recent post featuring Aroostook County is here.  And, it so happens, Senator Susan Collins is from this remote county, with its particular rural culture.)  

Meanwhile, this piece on regulatory reform as a solution to the rural lawyer shortage ran a few days ago on the website Attorneys at Work.  Here's part of the regulatory reform pitch--basically that bodies responsible for governing the profession should "loosen up":

The ABA’s Legal Innovation Regulatory Survey, originally published in 2019, provides an overview of the legal regulatory landscape related to legal innovation and access to justice.

To date, more than 14 states are studying regulatory reform issues or are engaged in regulatory reform. Increased pressure to study regulatory reform is rising due to access to justice concerns, increasing legal technology innovations, changes in the legal marketplace, as well as the pandemic and the havoc it has caused for citizens, the courts and lawyers.

According to the Clio Legal Trends Report and other surveys reporting on law, solo and small firm lawyers face a challenging environment:
  • The cost of traditional legal services is going up.
  • Access to legal services is going down.
  • The growth rate of law firms is flat.
  • Lawyers serving ordinary people are struggling to earn a living.
The primary mechanism for regulating the market is lawyer ethics, including:
  • Rule 5.4 (who can own and invest in law firms)
  • Rule 5.5 (who can do the work)
  • Rules 7.2 – 7.3 (constraint of marketing efforts)
  • Most experts do not expect to see an improvement in these legal deserts in the next decade.
Lauren Sudeall, a law professor at Georgia State University, while not optimistic about seeing improvements in these numbers, says, “But I hope that we can have a broader understanding of what access to justice means … Not just by looking at justice as sort of this binary do-you-have-a-lawyer-or-not question.”
* * *
What Can You Do About Regulatory Reform?
Proposals open for discussion include the creation of a regulatory sandbox (allowed in Utah), limited licensed paraprofessionals (Ontario has had a limited license program for more than 10 years, and Utah and Washington have added limited license programs in recent years), and the use of court navigators (allowed in Arizona and New York).

For the record, I have no idea what a "regulatory sandbox" is.  However, I do know that the "limited license paraprofessionals" scheme has not been successful in Washington--at last not successful at getting licensed paralegals into rural locales.  I don't know how it has been faring in Utah, where the program is newer.  I understand the court navigators scheme has worked in New York City, but I don't know if it is working in rural locales with less formally educated folks to staff it.  

The Attorneys at Work piece continues: 

In addition, the Legal Services Organization recently launched a Rural Justice Task Force to study and recommend ways to enhance access to justice in rural communities. (The report is due in 2023.) The Rural Justice Collaborative — a project of the National Center for State Courts — recently launched an initiative to identify rural justice “innovation sites” that will serve as models for other communities. Over the next three years, the RJC will work with the sites to create educational materials that will be featured in an online resource center.

Full disclosure:  I serve on this Rural Justice Task Force, which was assembled in December 2021 and has been busy since January.  

The Attorneys at Work piece closes with an exhortation/opportunity: 

Lawyers have the opportunity to make a difference. Follow the work of the state bars and organizations that are implementing regulatory reform efforts and encourage your own state to explore the possibilities that exist to expand access to justice.

Sunday, March 27, 2022

Literary ruralism (Part XXXI): Oh William!

When I first started reading Elizabeth Strout's books a few years ago, I was struck by her depictions of rural Maine in the Olive Kittredge books and of Amgash, Illinois, in My Name is Lucy Barton.  Earlier posts in the on those books, in the "Literary Ruralism" series, are here and here. 

Now I want to provide an excerpt from Strout's latest, Oh William!, a sequel to My Name is Lucy Barton. In this latest novel, Lucy Barton, a novelist, spends time with her ex-husband, William, as he experiences the disintegration of his subsequent marriage and learns that his mother had a child from her prior marriage, a daughter that his mother abandoned to marry William's father.  

Lucy, the novel's narrator, and William both live in New York City.  In this novel, she travels with William to Aroostook County, in far northern Maine, where his mother grew up and where his half-sister, Lois Bubar, still lives.  

The depictions are thus from those parts of Maine (Bangor up to the Canadian border, essentially), as well as from Amgash, Illinois, the tiny place where Lucy grew up, which gets compared to rural Maine.  

In this scene, they are arriving in rural northern Maine, having flown into the Bangor Airport. 
In the parking lot, right up near to the front door of the place, we walked past a car that was filled with garbage. Every space of it-except for the driver's seat-was filled with garbage. Trash. Nothing was growing, but there was to the ceiling of the car-the car was an old sedan-trash: newspapers and old wrappings of waxed paper and small cardboard cartons of the sort that food came in. The license plate had a big V on it and also said VETERAN.  (Page 110)
Veterans are a larger percentage of the population in rural America than in urban places.  

While traveling in northern Maine, William suggests a comparison with Lucy's home community in Illinois.
Then William said, "Probably it reminds you of your childhood up here."

I said, "It does not remind me of my childhood. Have you seen one field of soybeans?" But then I saw that he was right. Until we had stopped at this little place for breakfast we had seen almost no one, and the isolation made me panic.  (p. 112)
In the following scene, we see more on rural America as a source of military personnel, on rural America as religious, and rural America in need of economic development.  
We drove through the town where the diner was, passing a sign that said Libby's Color Boutique: Carpet, Laminate, Vinyl Flooring CLOSED. As we drove out of the town we saw American flags on many telephone poles, flag after flag, and interspersed with them was an occasional black flag for a POW. We could not find the turnpike entrance for a while. We kept driving through winding roads, and by the side of the road at one point were short little cat-o'-nine-tails, also goldenrod, and a grass that almost had a pinkish tinge to its top but was otherwise brown and dry-looking. There were no other cars, or even people seen, in the middle of a day, a Wednesday in late August. But there were lots of almost-falling-down houses, and lots of stars on the sides of these houses for veterans, gold stars for the ones who were dead.

We passed by signs that said Pray for America. And cabins for United Bible Camp.

A pile of rusted-out junk cars was next to an old building that hadn't, it looked, been used in years and years, all of it standing back from the road. (p. 115). 

I have often wondered about the stars one sees on the sides of houses, especially in rural America.  I have speculated to myself that this is because inhabitants are Masons.  In fact, Strout reveals, it is because these are the homes of veterans.  

In the next scene, Lucy thinks more about how rural Maine resembles the rural Illinois community where she grew up. 

That driving down this road and seeing the falling-down houses and the grass by the side of the road and no people around, I had an almost-memory of driving with my father in his truck and me in the passenger seat next to him as a very young child, the window open and my hair blowing in the wind, only the two of us-where would we have been going? But the memory was not one of the dismalness of my childhood. Instead, something in me moved deep, deep down and I felt almost-what can I say that I felt?-but it was almost a feeling of freedom as I rode alongside my father in his old red Chevy truck. As I rode now next to William I almost wanted to say, with a sweep of my hand: These are my people. But they were not. I have never had a feeling of belonging to any group of people. Yet here I was in rural Maine and what had just come to me was an understanding, I think that is the only way I can put it, of these people in their houses, these few houses we passed by. It was an odd thing, but it was real, for a few moments I felt this: that I understood where I was. And even, also, that I loved the people we did not see who inhabited the few houses and who had their trucks in the front of these houses. This is what I almost felt. This is what I felt.

But I did not tell that to William, who came from Newton, Massachusetts, and not the poor town of Amgash, Illinois, as I had, and who had lived in New York City for so many years. I had lived in New York City for years as well, but William inhabited it-his tailored suits-and I felt that I had never inhabited New York as he had. Because I never had.  (p. 116) 
* * *
We arrived in Houlton around noontime. The sun was shining down on big brick buildings: a courthouse, a post office. Main Street had a few shops-there was a furniture store and a dress shop-and we drove slowly through and then I saw a sign that said Pleasant Street, and I yelled, "William, we're on Pleasant Street!" I looked out the window and the houses were small and wooden, two white ones we passed. And then we passed by number 14, and it was the nicest house on the block. It was not a small house: It was three stories and freshly painted a dark blue with red trim, and it had a little garden in the front, and a hammock was in the front yard as well. William stared at it as we drove past, and then he kept driving and we pulled over on the next block up.  (p. 119)
14 Pleasant Street, Houlton is the home of William's half sister.  Houlton, population about 6,000, is the county seat of Aroostook County and right on the border with Canada. It is also the northern terminus of I-95, a fact that does not figure in Strout's narrative. 

Interesting that the house is so nice--much nicer than others on the street.  This suggests some class stratification, even in small towns--and a variety of housing even on the same street.  It becomes clear from the book that the woman who raised William's half sister--that is, Lois Bubar's step mother--was from an established, well-off family.  This had been that woman's family home, passed down to Bubar.  

The next bit illustrates the limited services in small towns, among other atmospherics of rural locales such as fields of crops, which Lucy is somewhat familiar with because of her rural upbringing.  
We tried to have lunch in Houlton, but the one place we found closed at 2:30 and it was 2:35. "Sorry," the woman said at the door, and then she closed the door and bolted it from the inside. "Is there any other place around here?" William tried to ask through the glass, and the woman just walked away.

"Jesus," William said. "Okay, we'll eat in Fort Fairfield."

William's plan was that we would drive to Fort Fairfield to see where Lois had been on a float through the streets in her glory as Miss Potato Blossom Queen--I did not know why this was important to William--and then we would spend the night in Presque Isle--a city forty miles away from Houlton but just eleven miles from Fort Fairfield "because it interests me since Lois's husband came from there" is what William said, about Presque Isle, and we would think about what we were going to do the next day when we drove back down through Houlton before getting our plane to New York that night. I mean we would decide what to do about the woman who lived at 14 Pleasant Street, William's half-sister, Lois Bubar.
==
On our way to Fort Fairfield there was suddenly much sky, and in a small way this thrilled me, because I had grown up with sky all around me. This sky was just gorgeous with sun but also very low clouds in places like a quilt, and the sun went in and out of these clouds, lighting up the pastures of green, and we passed a huge field of sunflowers. We also passed by fields with clover as a dark cover crop for nutrients that I knew from my youth would be plowed over in spring. It was interesting to me that I felt this small happiness at an almost familiar scene, that the panic of the isolation from this morning had changed into this. I felt a happiness, is what I am saying. And it made me think again about the memory of me driving as a young child next to my father in his truck. (pp. 127-28)
* * * 
We drove by two small houses that had satellite dishes. In the yard of a farmer, four long trucks stood, trucks that used to haul things; they had not been moved for years, grass was growing up all over them.   (p. 129)
The next bit is about Fort Fairfield, between Houlton and Presque Isle; it is the locale of the Miss Potato Blossom Queen contest, which William's half sister, Lois Bubar, had won.  It's a nice reminder of such festivals as a fixture of small-town life: 
We passed a sign that said: Welcome to Friendly Fort Fairfield.

William leaned forward to peer through the windshield. "Jesus Christ," he said.

I said, "Yeah. My God."

Everything in the town was closed. There was not a car on the street, and there was a place that said Village Commons- an entire building-with a sign on it: FOR LEASE. There was a big First National Bank with pillars; it had planks nailed across its doors. Store after store had been boarded up. Only a small post office by the end of Main Street seemed open. There was a river that ran behind MainStreet.

"Lucy, what happened?"

"I have no idea." But it was a really spooky place. Not a coffee shop, not a dress store or a drugstore, there was absolutely nothing open in that town, and we drove back up Main Street again where there was not a car in sight, and then we left.

"This state is in trouble," William said, but I could see that he was shaken. I was shaken myself.

"I'm really hungry," I said. There was not even a gas station in sight.

"Let's head to Presque Isle," William said. I asked how far away it was and he said about eleven miles-but we were not on the turnpike-and I said I didn't think I could wait that long to eat. "Well, keep your eyes open and we'll stop if we see a place," he said.

We drove along for a while, and I said, "Why did you want to see Fort Fairfield so badly?"

And William didn't say anything for a moment, just kept looking through the windshield, biting on his mustache. Then he said, "I thought when I met Lois Bubar I could tell her that we had gone to Fort Fairfield to see where she had been Miss Potato Blossom Queen, that she would think it showed a real interest in her, that it would make her feel nice."  (p. 133).
I looked around at the fields we were passing, and up on a small hill was a horse-drawn wagon driven by a man wearing a big hat. "Look at that," I said.

"It's the Amish," William said. "They've moved here from Pennsylvania to farm. I was reading about them."

Then we passed by a farmhouse, and on the front porch were two children. There was a small boy who also had on a big hat, and there was a small girl who wore a long dress and a small bonnet thing over her hair. They waved to us vigorously. So vigorously they waved!

"Oh, it makes me sick," I said, waving back at them.

William said, "Why? They're just doing their thing."

"Well, their thing is crazy. And the kids are forced to be a part of it." As I said this, I realized that it reminded me of my own youth, coming from the family that I came from.
* * *
William said, "And where do you suggest we find this food?" It was true that there were no places at all; we were going by trees and almost no houses, and this was the way it was for miles.
I've identified some additional rural excerpts from Oh William! that I want to share, but I'll save them for a future post.  

Saturday, March 26, 2022

Pennsylvania Democratic Senate candidate plays to rural, working-class communities

Hannah Trudo reports for The Hill under the headline, "How Fetterman is pulling away in Pennsylvania."  The story is about Pennsylvania Lt. Governor, John Fetterman, who is running for a U.S. Senate seat.  Two other Democrats are in the race, including U.S. Representative Connor Lamb and Malcolm Kenyatta, an openly gay member of the state legislature.  

The way fellow populists Sanders and Trump had electoral overlap, including with working class and rural voters, there’s potential for Fetterman to grab voters who are searching for something different in pockets of Pennsylvania that are traditionally overlooked.

“Fetterman has united people who understand that to win these races Democrats need to once again strengthen our support in rural areas,” the progressive strategist said.

That approach has worked for Sens. Sherrod Brown in Ohio, John Tester in Montana, and even Joe Manchin in West Virginia, who have tapped into qualities that resonate at home and get them re-elected by voters across party lines.

Fetterman is hoping to connect with people “as human beings,” the strategist said, not just over politics. “In order to persuade voters, you need to have that authenticity.”

Fetterman has attracted media attention in recent weeks for campaigning in the state's hinterlands. 

Here's more on the candidate's working-class bonafides and the all-important authenticity:

Fetterman, pro-union with a rotation of rolled up shirts to match, wants higher wages for workers and likes small dollar donations for his own bid. His campaign’s average contribution is $28, just one dollar higher than the $27 that fueled Sanders’ first presidential run.

He wants more government involvement on things like Medicare for All, the universal health care proposal where even some progressives are divided. He sees climate change as a racial justice issue. He also wants weed to be legal, full stop.

“John,” as aides and allies call him, has long been in favor of those things, they say. They are popular in polls across the country.

“Voters don’t have to be convinced that John’s not like other politicians,” said Joe Calvello, Fetterman’s communications director. “They know as soon as they see him step out of his truck. In 2022, that’s an especially good thing.”

Here and here are posts from last month that feature Fetterman campaigning in rural Pennsylvania.   And here's a post from 2009(!), the early days of this blog, when Fetterman was he mayor of a city called Braddock (greater Pittsburgh) doing innovative things with urban farming.  I would not have recalled this earlier post featuring Fetterman but it came up when I searched his name on the Blog.  Interesting to know what he was doing in his political career more than a decade ago.    

Postscript:  Just caught this screenshot by Fetterman at 7:50 am Pacific time on March 26, 2022, with commentary by a rural political consultant who frequently complains about Democrats lack of investment in attracting rural populations.   

Friday, March 25, 2022

Democrats as urban-centric?

That's a theme of this Thomas Edsall piece from the New York Times a few days ago.  The headline is "Democrats Are Making Life Too Easy for Republicans."  Here's the part that speaks to the rural-urban divide within the Democratic Party: 

In an analysis of the complexity of the current Democratic predicament, Sarah Anzia, a professor of public policy and political science at Berkeley, addressed the preponderance of urban voters in the Democratic coalition: “The Democrats have a challenge rooted in political geography and the institution of single-member, first-past-the-post elections.” Citing Jonathan Rodden’s 2019 book “Why Cities Lose,” Anzia argued that the density of Democratic voters in cities has both geographically isolated the party and empowered its most progressive activist wing:
They need to find ways to compete in more moderate or even conservative districts if they hope to have majorities of seats in the U.S. Congress or state legislatures. But large numbers of their voters are concentrated in cities, quite progressive and want the party to move further left in its policy positions — and not just on social-cultural issues.

I blogged about the white working-class content of Edsall's column at Working Class Whites and the Law.  

Buying up hospitals in rural Tennessee

Marketplace, the public radio program, reports today from Tennessee, where a company called Braden Health is buying up rural hospitals.  This excerpt leads with 22-year-old Kyle Kopec, chief compliance officer for Braden Health.

“They’re not the most complicated things in the world,” Kopec said of these hospital deals. “But if you don’t know exactly how to run them, you’re just going to run them straight into the ground.”

The mayor of Houston County, James Bridges, said he agrees. His county bought the local community hospital in 2013 for $2.4 million in order to prevent permanent closure.

“We had no business being in the hospital business,” Bridges said. “The majority of county governments do not have the expertise and the education and knowledge that it takes to run health care facilities in 2022.”

Those with the most experience — like big corporate hospital chains based nearby in Nashville — have been getting out of the small hospital business too, so communities have seen a revolving door of managers. Some even got in trouble for shady billing practices.

In nearby Decatur County, where Braden Health is also taking over, the previous operator has been indicted on theft charges.

“You’re looking to someone who supposedly knows what to do, who can supposedly solve the issue. And you trust them, then you’re disappointed,” said Lori Brasher, who sits on Decatur County’s economic development board. “And not disappointed once but disappointed multiple times.”
Brasher said she has much more confidence in Braden Health, which she said has concrete plans for reopening. But local residents still have trouble stomaching the sticker price. Decatur County agreed to sell its hospital for $100. The deal for Houston County was just $1.

Thursday, March 24, 2022

Harper's Magazine on California's would-be State of Jefferson

James Pogue writes "Notes from the State of Jefferson," from Shasta County, California.  The following passage address the rurality of the would-be secessionist state:  
I asked Jones [member of Shasta County board of supervisors who supported the recent recall of Leonard Moty] whether he thought things would calm down after the pandemic, or if something larger had snapped. “This is going back to the 1850s,” he said. “You have this tension, those two different groups.” I assumed he was talking specifically about California, and the regional differences that helped build the Jefferson movement. But he was referring to a national gulf between the centers of globalized cosmopolitanism and the rest of the country. “The people in the rural areas—we’re different from the city areas. Because we want our freedoms and they want more controls,” he said. “You know, if I were living back in the 1850s, I’d think that this was probably what led up to the Civil War.”
 
I was still a bit hazy about what Jones wanted to accomplish in office. Everyone seemed to be talking about issues far bigger than anything that could get sorted out by a county board. And he didn’t have a majority to support his plan to pull out of the state’s COVID protocols. I asked whether he was involved in the movement to recall the governor, Gavin Newsom, which was then gaining momentum. Jones gave me a mischievous look and leaned over the counter. “You might want to check back on that here soon,” he said. “We haven’t announced it yet, but there’s going to be a recall here too.” I found the idea hard to take seriously—a sitting board member leading a recall against his fellow members in a fight that was more a clash of values than policy—but Jones looked serious. “Check back,” he said. “It’s going to get interesting.”

That local recall did happen, of course, earlier this year.  The next passage in the Harper's story refers to two men, Clendenen and Zapata, members of the so-called Cottonwood militia, who loomed large in that recall.  You can learn more about them and that recall of a Republican county supervisor here. 

The next day, I dropped by Woody Clendenen’s barbershop for a haircut. I had been having trouble contacting some of the key figures in the crusade to take over the county—Terry Rapoza, one of the Jefferson movement’s highest-profile leaders, had flatly declined to meet with me, and I couldn’t get Zapata to return my calls—so I figured I’d just show up as a paying customer. “You must be the one Terry told me about,” Clendenen said as I walked in. “I’d been thinking you might come by.” He was a graying, fit fifty-five-year-old, wearing a polo shirt over a slight paunch and chatting jovially with a row of customers. I asked how he knew who I was. “You don’t look like you’re from Cottonwood,” he said. A chorus of guffaws rose up. “You don’t smell like horseshit,” someone called out.

The shop was packed, its walls covered in the trappings of defiant rural patriotism: Jefferson flags, framed photos of young men in uniform, Confederate insignia, flyers advertising horse trailers for sale. Clendenen exuded an air of avuncular authority. He was a barber in the way that Tony Soprano was the owner of Satriale’s Pork Store. As he cut hair, he was constantly interrupted by calls from Zapata or Jones, and by people wandering in to ask favors or talk militia business. Just after I sat down, a hefty trucker in a black hoodie walked in. “Well, the FBI just came by,” he announced. Clendenen invited him to go on. “I just told them that I am a legally armed American in my home, I’m happy to talk to them, but they can’t come in the house. They weren’t too bad or nothing.” Clendenen barely looked up from the haircut he was giving to a boy who looked to be about eight years old. “You did good,” he said.

You can find more on the would-be State of Jefferson in the series of posts here.