Credit: USDA, May 2010
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (“SNAP”) has played a pivotal role as one of the most effective tools for combating food insecurity at a federal level. Food insecurity and food desserts often go hand in hand, and this blog has previously discussed their impacts. The current administration has proposed major changes to SNAP under the Make America Health Again (“MAHA”) campaign, but what exactly is happening? And how will those changes impact rural Americans differently than urban ones?
In July 2025, Congress passed H.R. 1 (the "One Big Beautiful Bill"), which introduced significant federal cuts to a range of social programs, including SNAP. Beginning in October 2027, the law will change SNAP’s work requirement policy, payment error rate policy, and the share of administrative costs covered by the federal government.
SNAP time-limit work requirements require participants to spend at least 80 hours per month engaged in allowable activities such as employment or job training. Previously, applied these requirements only to “able-bodied adults without dependents.” This group included people between the ages of 18 and 54 without children or a work-limiting disability, and excluded those who were pregnant, veterans, experiencing homelessness, or youth aged out of foster care. The new law expands these requirements. Now, non-disabled adults aged 55 to 64 without dependent children and non-disabled adults ages 18 to 64 whose youngest dependent is between the ages of 14 and 15 must meet the work requirement. In addition, the current law removes previous exemptions for veterans, people experiencing homelessness, and youth who aged out of foster care.
Beyond work requirements, the law also changes how states are held accountable for SNAP benefit distribution. SNAP defines the payment error rate as “the measurement of the accuracy of active case review.” In simple terms, the rate reflects the percentage of SNAP benefits that states issued incorrectly, including both overpayments and underpayments. In the past, states with high payment error rates were required to implement corrective action plans and could face financial penalties only after sustained high error rates over multiple years. Under the new law, states with payment error rates exceeding six percent will be required to absorb a portion of their SNAP benefit costs.
However, past data suggests that this threshold is set too low. In 2024, only seven states reported payment error rates below six percent. Additionally, in an effort to increase cost-sharing, the federal government has reduced the percentage of administrative costs it will cover, lowering the federal share from 50 percent to 25 percent. Administrative costs include staffing, case management, eligibility verification, IT systems, and customer service infrastructure. Cutting federal support in half places a higher burden on state budgets and makes it difficult for states to reduce payment error rates and properly enforce SNAP eligibility requirements.
Consequently, this cost-sharing structure will likely impose the greatest hardships on under-resourced states. For example, based on Ohio’s previous error rates, the state could potentially be on the hook for $318 million in SNAP benefit costs.
In addition to restructuring how SNAP operates, policymakers have also pushed to change what participants can purchase with their benefits. The MAHA movement has pushed to restrict the types of food that can be purchased with SNAP benefits. For decades, federal policy allowed SNAP benefits to be used to purchase any food item except alcohol and ready-to-eat hot foods. States wishing to impose any additional restrictions were required to obtain a waiver from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). While these federal rules remain in place several states encouraged by the current administration, have applied for waivers that would prevent SNAP benefits from being used to purchase “junk foods.” Beginning January 1, 2026, a number of states, including Utah, West Virginia, Nebraska, Iowa, and Indiana, implemented restrictions preventing SNAP participants from using their benefits to purchase soda.
Supporters of the MAHA movement frame these changes as necessary to combat a national health crisis, critics disagree. Opponents highlight the barriers that many rural communities already face when trying to access food. In some areas, residents may only have access to gas stations or small convenience markets as their primary food sources. Additional restriction on eligible food purchases could leave SNAP participants with few practical options for using their benefits. Furthermore, health policy experts note that limiting choices does not guarantee that individuals will make “healthier” decisions. Instead, these restrictions that limit food purchasing options may undermine participants’ autonomy and dignity.
Taken together, these changes represent a significant shift in the federal approach to SNAP. Expanded work requirements, increased state cost burdens, and new restrictions on eligible food purchases may share how participants access and use benefits. These changes will be felt strongly in many rural communities with limited food access. One in seven rural households rely on SNAP. For these Americans, limited job opportunities, seasonal or unstable employment, and long distances to workplaces make it significantly harder to consistently meet work requirements, especially when reliable transportation and childcare options remain scarce.
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4 comments:
Adding more restrictions and requirements on SNAP benefits concern me. Many Americans rely on SNAP, and personally I have used EBT all throughout undergrad and currently while law school. By limiting what people are allowed to by gets rid of people's freedom of autonomy like you've highlighted. By putting more rules on basic needs like food, what else will the government try to change and restrict?
I appreciated your insight into how MAHA restrictions relate to the realities of rural food access. You mention that opponents point out some residents may only have access to gas stations or convenience stores as their main food sources. I would go even further: the MAHA restrictions on “junk food” purchases assume a retail environment that isn’t present in many rural communities. If these soda restrictions expand to other processed foods – as the MAHA movement’s logic suggests – SNAP participants in food-limited areas could face increasingly limited options. A participant whose only nearby store stocks mainly shelf-stable processed foods, sodas, and snacks because that’s what’s economically viable wouldn’t be magically guided toward healthier choices by these restrictions. They would just have fewer options for using their benefits. The policy seems to assume an urban or suburban grocery landscape. I wonder if there are legal options to challenge these restrictions where “healthier” options simply aren’t available.
The negative rhetoric around SNAP benefits has been incredibly concerning to me, especially because of the amount of misinformation spread about. The Trump administration spent a lot of time vilifying those on SNAP for not working, but 2/3rds of people on SNAP are children, adults over 60, and people with disabilities. Also, SNAP can be a helpful stopgap to help those who just lost a job or in a rough patch. Food insecurity should be the last thing on a families mind in a time of need.
The restrictions on SNAP benefits always make me think of when my partner would joke/reminisce about living in Firth, NE (just outside of Lincoln), where the only grocery store on his way home was the Hickman, NE U-Stop, where they could buy discount beef and those roller taquitos. This was all the food that was to be had in the area, unless you had the resources to drive 25 minutes to the Walmart or Aldi in south Lincoln. Even in exurban areas, these limitations will be felt, especially for families going without a car for even a few days or a week. In more remote communities, this will be felt even more strongly.
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