Le Langhe, a region in Northern Italy, has been heralded as the "New Tuscany" for its scenic landscape, tartufi bianchi, and quality wines. It's one of many parts of Italy that relies on rural agricultural practices for economic output. The agri-food industry in Italy accounts for almost 15 percent of its total GDP. It also represents an economic expansion: from 2006 to 2016, international demand for Italian wine grew by 74 percent.
The people making the wine? Migrant workers from Romania, India, and Northern Africa. Foreign workers account for 10.3 percent of Italy's total workforce, but in the agricultural sector, around half of workers are migrants — around 400,000 or 500,000 people in total. Some are asylum seekers, fleeing violence from their home country. Some are hoping to pass through Italy to resettle further north, but are stuck due to European Union restrictions that require the first EU state an asylum seeker enters to be the one to adjudicate their claim.
Trapped without status, many turn to temporary agricultural jobs in rural areas that pay little and require long hours. Their recruiters? Corporali, or intermediaries who offer migrants exploitative, temporary jobs and take a fee for providing them with work.
Many refer to the Caporalato and their control of the industry as the "Agro-Mafia." In 2020, over 42 percent of Tuscany's 55,000-person workforce were migrants. Some reported working for as little as 3 to 4 euros an hour. The Migration Policy Institute estimates that when migrant workers are employed through corporali, their wages are sometimes 50 percent lower than those working under regulated contracts. Workers face rampant discrimination, racism, and poor working conditions. One worker in a study conducted by Amnesty International shared that after working from 6 AM to 6 PM and taking only a thirty-minute break, he was paid only 20 euros for his time. Rurality, of course, exacerbates all of these problems, leaving workers far from community resources and the employers with little oversight and incentive to stop their labor practices.
In 2016, Italy passed Law No. 199/2016, which included criminal penalties for corporali and codified a new definition of "labor exploitation." However, the law has been heavily criticized for penalizing the intermediary worker, but not the employer itself. And given the high turnover in short-term agricultural work, many leave to a new job or exit the country entirely before prosecution is possible.
The possibility of reform has become further complicated given dramatic changes in Italy's political landscape. In 2018, then-Interior Minister Matteo Salvini abolished all humanitarian aid in Italy. Tens of thousands of refugees lost their status, forcing many to turn to agricultural jobs and expanding the reach of the corporali. The 2022 national elections fared no better: Giorgia Meloni was sworn in as Italy's first female prime minister. Her party, Fratelli d'Italia ("Brothers of Italy"), now leads what is largely considered to be the most conservative Italian administration since World War II. Meloni recently announced that pursuant to a new agreement between their two countries, Albania will detain up to 36,000 migrants rescued by Italian authorities in the Mediterranean. The deal also included a dedicated €650 million for new detention centers.
Beyond the evident humanitarian crisis, extremist immigration practices will have an undeniable impact on rural economies. Border restrictions and punitive immigration policy will lead to labor shortages in the agricultural industry, which relies entirely on migrant labor. Not to mention that declining population levels in rural areas have often been filled by immigrants working in those communities. Camini, a commune that had a population of 751 in 2007, now hosts over 118 immigrants from Syria, Bangladesh, and Turkey. Camini exemplifies how immigrants are often the difference between a community collapsing entirely or thriving.
Read more about agricultural crime in Italy here. This article further discusses rural population decline in Italy.
2 comments:
I had no idea that in Tuscany so much of the labor force were immigrants, and that they were paid so little. I feel like it is a healthy reminder that the issues we face here (regarding hostility/racism towards migrant workers) are issues being faced elsewhere.
After reading your title, I had to read the rest of your article. I was unaware of this issue, as it applied to wine country in Italy, but it makes sense. It is a strange dichotomy between the pride that a collective might take in what it produces, while also avoiding having to actually produce it. I feel like we see the same parallels in California’s agribusiness, or oil-rich countries in the Middle East.
I loved your observation that rurality exacerbates exploitation of labor, because they are more socially and geographically isolated from their urban counterparts. It might also be part of an alarming trend of “shunting” people to areas where they are not exactly wanted by the local community, but not exactly wanted by a large portion of the national community. But with urban centers unwilling to take on immigrants, they could end up concentrated in rural areas that are already geographically, socially, and fiscally isolated from major city centers. In a time of increasingly hostile rhetoric, and a worsening economic climate, I could see some political figures engaging in a specific form of rural bashing that justifies investing in other areas, instead of these more immigrant-populated areas, similar to how the USDA historically excluded black farmers from government support. A similar approach to what Matteo Salvini did in abolishing humanitarian aid, as you noted.
I can’t imagine the perilous position this would put migrant workers in if they remain part of a community that profits off them but is increasingly incentivized to remove them.
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