Much like today, economic growth in New Hampshire was not equal. According to an article in the March 14, 1978 edition of The Boston Globe, 90% of industrial and commercial development occurred south of the imaginary line that runs across the state from Portsmouth to Keene. Unemployment was higher in the northern and more rural portions of the state. In a May 14, 1978 interview with The Boston Globe, North Country Regional Planning Commission Executive Director, Gerald Coogan noted that some communities in the North Country had unemployment rates twice as high as communities in southern New Hampshire. Even in the New Hampshire's relative economic boom in the late 1970s, its most rural corners were left behind.
Meldrim Thomson began 1978 in South Africa, thousands of miles away from rural New Hampshire, on a trip that was funded by pro-Apartheid South African Freedom Foundation. While in South Africa, he praised the Apartheid government, attacked President Jimmy Carter's foreign policy, even calling the State Department "Un-American," attacked the United Nations, favorably compared housing in Soweto, a segregated black community, to housing in his hometown of Orford, and said that Apartheid was a "local South African problem." He also compared the decision of the South African government to hold people without a trial to Abraham Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus during the Civil War. In Thomson's mind, the white minority government was in a war against Communism and victory must be achieved through any means necessary.
Thomson's excursion to South Africa and his controversial comments were met with some resistance back home where fourteen of the state's top religious leaders issued a letter denouncing his comments. His invitation to speak at a fundraiser for Republican Massachusetts gubernatorial candidate Edward King was also revoked. President Jimmy Carter denounced Thomson's comments during a February town hall in Nashua. Thomson doubled down on his praise for South Africa's government and said that the criticism was rooted in misinformation and prejudice against South Africa.
As was common during his three terms as governor, Thomson found himself mired in controversy. It was quite the auspicious start to an election year where he was seeking to win his fourth term in office. However, other obligations were drawing Thomson's attention towards more national and international issues issues. By 1978, Thomson had become the chair of the national Conservative Caucus, which often required him turn his attention to issues outside of the borders of the Granite State. He also found himself mired in the controversy over the Panama Canal Treaty, which was being debated by the Senate in early 1978. He held rallies across the country and even in Panama to voice his disapproval of the treaty. Thomson's strong stance against the treaty even earned him a denouncement in a floor speech by Senator Thomas McIntyre of New Hampshire.
Thomson's controversies weren't just confined to his excursions outside of New Hampshire, he also found plenty of it during the course of his duties as governor. In March, he issued a proclamation calling for the lowering of the flags on Good Friday to honor Jesus Christ, which was later stayed in a 5-4 decision by the United States Supreme Court. In April, he denounced a special session of the legislature and said that, "[t]here are times when we serve best by not serving at all." His stance against the special session brought him into conflict with his own party, including House Speaker George Roberts of Gilmanton who told his caucus to not be beaten into submission by the governor. His inability to cooperate with the legislature would also prove problematic in June when the State Senate failed to advance a proposed amendment to the state Constitution that would've limited the ability of towns to raise property taxes, required their budgets to be balanced, and even limited the surplus that they could have. Thomson's efforts to enshrine this into the state's constitution was influenced by a successful effort in California.
He also found himself in the middle of the battle over a proposed nuclear power plant in Seabrook, reminiscent of his earlier battles over an oil refinery plant in Durham. Thomson was an active supporter of the nuclear plant, even hosting a pro-nuclear plant rally in Concord to rally support for it. In June, Thomson vetoed a bill that would have banned electric providers from raising rates to help finance the construction of the plant.
The 1978 governor's race would come to be defined by economic issues with a particular focus on the Seabrook nuclear plant. The differences between Thomson and Democratic nominee Hugh Gallen are well outlined in this Washington Post piece. The idea of adding a little extra to everyone's electric bills, a tax if you will, to pay for the facility was not especially popular in New Hampshire. Thomson's support for this idea and his staunch anti-tax stance also gave the Democrats a wide opening to paint him as a hypocrite and for Gallen to establish himself as the real anti-tax candidate.
In quite poetic fashion, Mel Thomson would fall on election day 1978. In a lot of ways, he was a victim of his own success. His success in creating a political environment in New Hampshire that didn't favor taxation of any form gave him very little wiggle room on the plant issue and ultimately helped lead to his exit from Concord.
I would be remiss if I did not offer an assessment of Thomson, the central figure of this series thus far. While it is quite easy to disagree with his policy and tactics, you have to take note of his political successes. His ability to implement his agenda and shape the conversation in the state was perhaps made even more remarkable by the fact that he was a constant magnet for controversy, even among those in his own party. His success in New Hampshire made him a national figure in the conservative movement and helped to reshape the direction of the national party, ultimately leading to the nomination and election of Ronald Reagan in 1980.
As we wrap up this portion of Lone Pine Policy, we also have to look at New Hampshire as a whole and how it changed between 1968 and 1978. As we have explored in these five parts, the Mel Thomson era of New Hampshire politics brought about sweeping changes and codified many political norms that are still pervasive in the state to this day. It also marked the deepening of the divide that still defines New Hampshire to this day, namely the fact that the southeastern urban and suburban portion of the state has continued to grow and prosper while the rural areas have been slower to keep up.
I also want to take this opportunity to announce that I am taking a hiatus from writing to focus on other professional pursuits. I do hope to sometimes pop in with an update or new post.
As was common during his three terms as governor, Thomson found himself mired in controversy. It was quite the auspicious start to an election year where he was seeking to win his fourth term in office. However, other obligations were drawing Thomson's attention towards more national and international issues issues. By 1978, Thomson had become the chair of the national Conservative Caucus, which often required him turn his attention to issues outside of the borders of the Granite State. He also found himself mired in the controversy over the Panama Canal Treaty, which was being debated by the Senate in early 1978. He held rallies across the country and even in Panama to voice his disapproval of the treaty. Thomson's strong stance against the treaty even earned him a denouncement in a floor speech by Senator Thomas McIntyre of New Hampshire.
Thomson's controversies weren't just confined to his excursions outside of New Hampshire, he also found plenty of it during the course of his duties as governor. In March, he issued a proclamation calling for the lowering of the flags on Good Friday to honor Jesus Christ, which was later stayed in a 5-4 decision by the United States Supreme Court. In April, he denounced a special session of the legislature and said that, "[t]here are times when we serve best by not serving at all." His stance against the special session brought him into conflict with his own party, including House Speaker George Roberts of Gilmanton who told his caucus to not be beaten into submission by the governor. His inability to cooperate with the legislature would also prove problematic in June when the State Senate failed to advance a proposed amendment to the state Constitution that would've limited the ability of towns to raise property taxes, required their budgets to be balanced, and even limited the surplus that they could have. Thomson's efforts to enshrine this into the state's constitution was influenced by a successful effort in California.
He also found himself in the middle of the battle over a proposed nuclear power plant in Seabrook, reminiscent of his earlier battles over an oil refinery plant in Durham. Thomson was an active supporter of the nuclear plant, even hosting a pro-nuclear plant rally in Concord to rally support for it. In June, Thomson vetoed a bill that would have banned electric providers from raising rates to help finance the construction of the plant.
The 1978 governor's race would come to be defined by economic issues with a particular focus on the Seabrook nuclear plant. The differences between Thomson and Democratic nominee Hugh Gallen are well outlined in this Washington Post piece. The idea of adding a little extra to everyone's electric bills, a tax if you will, to pay for the facility was not especially popular in New Hampshire. Thomson's support for this idea and his staunch anti-tax stance also gave the Democrats a wide opening to paint him as a hypocrite and for Gallen to establish himself as the real anti-tax candidate.
In quite poetic fashion, Mel Thomson would fall on election day 1978. In a lot of ways, he was a victim of his own success. His success in creating a political environment in New Hampshire that didn't favor taxation of any form gave him very little wiggle room on the plant issue and ultimately helped lead to his exit from Concord.
I would be remiss if I did not offer an assessment of Thomson, the central figure of this series thus far. While it is quite easy to disagree with his policy and tactics, you have to take note of his political successes. His ability to implement his agenda and shape the conversation in the state was perhaps made even more remarkable by the fact that he was a constant magnet for controversy, even among those in his own party. His success in New Hampshire made him a national figure in the conservative movement and helped to reshape the direction of the national party, ultimately leading to the nomination and election of Ronald Reagan in 1980.
As we wrap up this portion of Lone Pine Policy, we also have to look at New Hampshire as a whole and how it changed between 1968 and 1978. As we have explored in these five parts, the Mel Thomson era of New Hampshire politics brought about sweeping changes and codified many political norms that are still pervasive in the state to this day. It also marked the deepening of the divide that still defines New Hampshire to this day, namely the fact that the southeastern urban and suburban portion of the state has continued to grow and prosper while the rural areas have been slower to keep up.
I also want to take this opportunity to announce that I am taking a hiatus from writing to focus on other professional pursuits. I do hope to sometimes pop in with an update or new post.
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